Bhadas ब्लाग में पुराना कहा-सुना-लिखा कुछ खोजें.......................

16.3.26

BHU administration used a law never enacted by the Executive Council to suppress, exploit, and dismiss over 500 teachers and employees over 20 years

 the truth exposed by RTI: a historic fraud two decades in the making. 

March 16, 2026 : Varanasi. At Banaras Hindu University, an organized administrative crime has been ongoing for the past twenty years, rooted in a legal lie. The Central Civil Services (Conduct) Rules, 1964, and the Central Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules, 1965 — collectively known as the CCS/CCA Conduct Rules — were never adopted by BHU's Executive Council.

It must be noted that in BHU, only the Executive Council has the authority to legally amend the Statutes and Ordinances or adopt new laws. No law can be enforced at BHU without its approval.

These rules were never implemented by the Executive Council — constitutionally, statutorily, or judicially. Yet they were wielded as weapons to intimidate, threaten, suspend, and dismiss over 500 teachers and employees.

At the root of this entire conspiracy lies the notorious letter dated July 13, 2007, issued by the then-Registrar of BHU without any legal authority and without the approval of the Executive Council.

Part One — The Truth Revealed by RTI That Changes Everything

The Executive Council Never Adopted the CCS Conduct Rules

An RTI application filed under the Right to Information Act, 2005, has brought to light a shocking and decisive fact:

BHU's Executive Council has never passed any resolution by which the CCS Conduct Rules 1964 or the CCS (CCA) Rules 1965 were made applicable to BHU's teachers or employees.

In response to the RTI, the BHU administration could not produce any Executive Council resolution, statutory amendment, or ordinance that applied these rules to BHU. This is a historic admission.

Under the structure of the BHU Act, 1915, any rule, statute, or condition of service is legally valid only when the Executive Council formally adopts it. Section 15 grants the Executive Council this power, and Sections 28, 31, and 32 specify that service conditions can only be determined through statutes and ordinances. Since the Executive Council never adopted the CCS Conduct Rules, those rules never came into existence at BHU. Enforcing non-existent rules and punishing people on that basis is in itself a criminal act.

Part Two — The Registrar's Illegal Letter: The Root of the Entire Conspiracy

Letter No. R/VCS/07-08/437, dated July 13, 2007 — A Legal Fraud

The entire conspiracy began with the letter issued by the then-Registrar of BHU bearing the above reference number.

To understand what this letter did: In 1998, the UGC, via ECR-625 dated May 19–20, 1998, had recommended pay revision for non-teaching staff only, in accordance with the Fifth Central Pay Commission. The mention of CCS Revised Pay Rules in that context was limited to pay structure — not conduct or discipline.

However, the Registrar's letter of July 13, 2007, committed a grave legal deception. It presented that limited UGC directive on pay revision for non-teaching staff as though the CCS Conduct Rules 1964 and CCS (CCA) Rules 1965 had been made applicable to all university employees, including teachers. Four fundamental frauds were committed in this letter:

First Fraud — Pay revision rules were presented as conduct and discipline rules. These are two entirely different legal instruments, and presenting one as the other is clear legal fraud.

Second Fraud — A UGC directive meant only for non-teaching staff was portrayed as applicable to teachers. ECR-625 was explicitly about pay revision for non-teaching employees. The pay structure for teachers is governed by academic pay regulations entirely separate from the Fifth Pay Commission's recommendations.

Third Fraud — The Registrar did what only the Executive Council could do. BHU's constitution grants the Registrar no authority to create new rules or impose external ones. The Registrar is an administrative officer, not a legislative authority.

Fourth Fraud — This letter was issued without any Executive Council resolution. No statutory amendment was made, no ordinance was passed, and no approval from the Executive Council was obtained. An attempt was made to alter the entire university's service conditions through a single administrative circular.

This letter was void and invalid from its very inception. Every action taken on its basis carries the same nullity.

Part Three — Binding Judgments of the Supreme Court and High Courts

Judgment One — Dr. Suchitra Mitra v. Union of India

A direct and decisive ruling on the non-applicability of CCS Conduct Rules to teachers of central universities.

This judgment is the cornerstone of the entire dispute. The court was asked precisely the question being raised at BHU — whether CCS (CCA) Conduct Rules apply to teachers of central universities.

The court thoroughly examined the definition of "Government servant" under the CCS Conduct Rules, which includes persons who are members of a service or hold civil posts under the Union, persons on foreign service or temporarily appointed under a state government or local authority, or persons serving under a local or other authority whose services are temporarily placed under the Central Government.

After detailed examination, the court delivered its landmark ruling:

"University Professors are neither members of any service nor holders of civil posts under the Union, nor are they in the service of any local or other authority. Therefore, the CCS (CCA) Conduct Rules will have no application to any Central University."

This judgment is most relevant to BHU because it answers precisely the question that arose from the illegal circular of July 13, 2007. In its light, that circular and every disciplinary proceeding based on it is judicially void as well.

Judgment Two — Prof. Yashpal v. State of Chhattisgarh (2005) 5 SCC 420

The Supreme Court was asked whether the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) has jurisdiction over service matters of central university employees. The Supreme Court clearly and finally held that CAT has no jurisdiction over service matters of central university employees.

The relevance to BHU lies in this unassailable legal chain: under Section 14 of the Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985, CAT's jurisdiction applies only to persons in the civil service of the Union or holding civil posts under the Union. CAT jurisdiction and the applicability of CCS Conduct Rules are inseparable — where one exists, the other must too, and where one does not, neither can the other. Since the Supreme Court held that CAT has no jurisdiction, the logical and necessary conclusion is that the CCS Conduct Rules also do not apply.

This is not merely an academic argument — it is a binding judgment of the Supreme Court of India that no administrative circular, Registrar's order, or Vice-Chancellor's directive can overturn.

Allahabad High Court — BHU's Direct Jurisdiction Court

The Allahabad High Court has, in numerous cases, clearly held that service conditions of BHU employees are governed only by the BHU Act, Statutes, and Ordinances. External rules cannot be imposed on BHU employees without amending the statutes or ordinances. Disciplinary proceedings initiated under CCS (CCA) conduct procedures are liable to be set aside.

Part Four — Eight Independent Levels of Legal Impossibility

Beyond the above judgments, the applicability of CCS Conduct Rules to BHU is impossible at eight independent levels of legal analysis.

Level 1 — Constitutional Impossibility: The CCS Conduct Rules derive from Article 309, which applies to civil posts under the Union. BHU teachers and employees do not hold any civil post under the Union. The constitutional basis is absent.

Level 2 — Statutory Impossibility: The BHU Act, 1915, is a special law that constitutes a complete code. The CCS Conduct Rules are general law. Under the principle of generalia specialibus non derogant, special law always prevails over general law. Statutory authority is absent.

Level 3 — Definitional Impossibility: The CCS Conduct Rules apply to "Government servants" by their own definition. University teachers and employees are not Government servants even by the rules' own definition. Definitional scope is absent.

Level 4 — Jurisdictional Impossibility: The Supreme Court has established that CAT has no jurisdiction over central university employees. The CCS framework and CAT jurisdiction are inseparable. Jurisdictional basis is absent.

Level 5 — UGC Authority Impossibility: The UGC's full name is the University Grants Commission, not the University Conduct Standards Commission. The UGC Act, 1956, grants the UGC no authority to impose conduct rules. ECR-625 was only about pay revision for non-teaching staff, not conduct rules. UGC authority is absent.

Level 6 — Constitutional Rights Impossibility: Applying CCS Conduct Rules to teachers and employees violates Articles 14, 19(1)(a), 19(1)(g), and 21. The Supreme Court held in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) that prior restraints on expression are constitutionally impermissible.

Level 7 — Administrative Law Impossibility: The Registrar's circular cannot amend University Statutes. Only the Executive Council can change service conditions through amendments to ordinances. The letter of July 13, 2007, was void from the beginning for this very reason. Administrative authority is absent.

Level 8 — Vested Rights Impossibility: Teachers and employees have vested rights under the University Statutes. The Supreme Court held in National Buildings Construction Corporation v. S. Raghunathan (1998) that legitimate expectations created by statutory frameworks cannot be arbitrarily denied by executive action. Vested rights protection entirely bars the application.

Part Five — Twenty Years of Organized Administrative Crime

500+ Victims — A Dark History

What the BHU administration has done over the past twenty years, using that single illegal circular as its basis, is unimaginable in any democratic and constitutional system.

Over 500 teachers and employees were illegally intimidated and threatened. Many teachers were suspended under CCS Conduct Rules that were never applicable to them. Several teachers and employees were illegally dismissed from service. Those who spoke out against the administration's corruption and misconduct were silenced using these very rules. Academic freedom and freedom of expression were systematically crushed. The university's democratic structures were dismantled and governance was conducted arbitrarily.

All of this was possible because, using that illegal circular as a shield, the administration kept teachers and employees under the false impression that CCS Conduct Rules applied to them — when in truth, they never did.

Since all these actions are based on a law that never applied to BHU, every disciplinary proceeding, every suspension order, and every dismissal order over these twenty years is not only void and invalid from the beginning but also falls into the category of a punishable criminal act.

Part Six — Current Guilty Officials

This organized administrative crime is being perpetuated at present by the following officials, whose own appointments are also legally questionable and irregular:

Vice-Chancellor — Prof. Ajit Kumar Chaturvedi: The highest administrative authority of this entire illegal system, under whose tenure this crime continues unabated.

Registrar — Prof. Arun Kumar Singh: The primary administrative officer issuing illegal charge-sheets, suspension orders, and dismissal orders.

Deputy Registrar — Mr. Rajit Shandilya: Directly complicit in the execution of these illegal actions.

Deputy Registrar — Mr. Velu G: Another active participant in this same illegal apparatus.

All these officials knew, or ought to have known, that the CCS Conduct Rules do not apply to BHU. Continuing to use these rules as weapons despite that knowledge constitutes a deliberate and premeditated criminal act.

Part Seven — Our Demands and Ultimatum

Final One-Week Ultimatum

If Prof. Ajit Kumar Chaturvedi, Prof. Arun Kumar Singh, Mr. Rajit Shandilya, and Mr. Velu G do not resign from their respective posts and issue public apologies within one week of the date of this press release, then:

Criminal cases will be filed against all of them in a competent court.

A detailed memorandum will be submitted to the Central Government and the President of India, who is the Visitor of BHU.

The list of all aggrieved teachers and employees will be made public and their cases will be taken to court.

Additional Demands

All disciplinary proceedings, suspension orders, and dismissal orders passed on the basis of CCS Conduct Rules over the past twenty years must be immediately annulled.

All dismissed and suspended teachers and employees must be immediately reinstated and paid all dues.

The BHU administration must formally acknowledge that CCS Conduct Rules were never applicable to BHU.

The Central Government and UGC must order a high-level independent inquiry into this organized administrative crime.

In Closing — The Fight to Save the Soul of BHU

BHU is not merely a university — it is the center of India's intellectual, cultural, and national consciousness. Mahamana Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya founded this university so that knowledge could flow freely here, academic freedom could flourish, and the courage to speak the truth would prevail. That dream has been assaulted by an illegal administrative circular and two decades of suppression built upon it.

We urge the judiciary to take suo motu cognizance of these illegal proceedings.

We urge Parliament to take concrete legislative steps to protect academic autonomy in central universities.

We urge the media to give this matter the attention it deserves and to carry the voices of aggrieved teachers and employees to every corner of the country.

We urge civil society and academics to extend their moral support to this fight for academic freedom and freedom of expression.

Truth shall prevail. The illegal system shall end. The soul of BHU shall be reborn.

10.3.26

​क्यों हो रही है योगी की छवि धूमिल करने की राजनीति

अजय कुमार,                                

वरिष्ठ पत्रकार
लखनऊ ( उ. प्र.)
मो-9335566111


समाजवादी पार्टी के प्रमुख अखिलेश यादव इन दिनों मोदी-योगी और बीजेपी के तमाम नेताओं के खिलाफ अपनी तीखी भाषा और तंज भरी शैली के चलते राजनीतिक हलकों में छाए हुए हैं। वे लगातार मुख्यमंत्री योगी आदित्यनाथ पर निशाना साधते रहते हैं, ठीक वैसे ही जैसे कांग्रेस के राहुल गांधी प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी पर हमला बोलते हैं। अखिलेश, सीएम योगी की छवि को धूमिल करने के लिए हर मौके को हथियार बनाते हैं। योगी की वेशभूषा पर सवाल उठाते हैं तो उनकी क्षमता पर भी चोट करते हैं। उत्तर प्रदेश की कानून व्यवस्था की तारीफ देश-दुनिया कर रही हो, अखिलेश उसी पर तंज कसते हैं। भ्रष्टाचार के आरोप लगाते हैं, निवेश प्रयासों का मजाक उड़ाते हैं। यहां तक कि योगी के विदेश दौरों को भी निशाने पर लेते हैं। वे उपमुख्यमंत्रियों केशव प्रसाद मौर्य और ब्रजेश पाठक के बीच कलह की अफवाहें फैलाते हैं। उन्हें सौ विधायक लाने और मुख्यमंत्री बनने का प्रस्ताव देते रहते हैं। अब तो यह भी कह रहे हैं कि 2027 का विधानसभा चुनाव नहीं होगा, बल्कि 2029 का लोकसभा चुनाव ही होगा। शंकराचार्य अविमुक्तेश्वरानंद के बहाने भी योगी पर प्रहार कर रहे हैं। ये सारी बातें अखिलेश की रणनीति का हिस्सा लगती हैं, जो योगी सरकार को कमजोर दिखाने पर तुली हुई हैं।

खैर, राजनीति में बयानबाजी का यह खेल पुराना है, लेकिन अखिलेश इसे एक कला बना चुके हैं। वे हर सार्वजनिक मंच पर योगी को निशाना बनाते हैं। योगी जब भी कोई नया कदम उठाते हैं, अखिलेश तुरंत उस पर सवाल खड़े कर देते हैं। मसलन, योगी के विदेश भ्रमणों को वे व्यर्थ बताते हैं। कहते हैं कि ये दौरें केवल दिखावा हैं, असल में प्रदेश का विकास रुका हुआ है। निवेश सम्मेलनों का भी वे मजाक उड़ाते हैं। दावा करते हैं कि ये सब आंकड़े काल्पनिक हैं, जमीन पर कुछ नहीं हो रहा। कानून व्यवस्था पर तो उनकी बोलचाल में सबसे ज्यादा तीखापन आता है। योगी सरकार जब अपराध पर सख्ती की बात करती है, अखिलेश पुराने आंकड़े निकालकर हमला बोलते हैं। कहते हैं कि अपराधी अभी भी खुले घूम रहे हैं, पुलिस की कार्रवाई केवल नाम की है। भ्रष्टाचार के आरोप तो वे रोजमर्रा की बात की तरह लगाते हैं। विभागों पर भ्रष्टाचार का ठप्पा लगाते हैं,अधिकारियों को निशाना बनाते हैं। योगी की वेशभूषा पर तंज कसना उनका पुराना शगल है। भगवा वस्त्रों को लेकर व्यंग्य करते हैं, कहते हैं कि यह आडंबर है, असली सेवा जमीन पर दिखानी चाहिए। इन तमाम हमलों से योगी की साफ-सुथरी छवि पर ग्रहण लगाने की कोशिश साफ झलकती है।

अखिलेश की रणनीति में उपमुख्यमंत्रियों को शामिल करना नई चाल है। वे केशव प्रसाद मौर्य और ब्रजेश पाठक के बीच दरार की कहानियां गढ़ते हैं। कहते हैं कि योगी के नेतृत्व में ये दोनों असहज हैं। उन्हें बार-बार ललकारते हैं सौ विधायक लाओ, मुख्यमंत्री बन जाओ। यह बयान भाजपा के अंदर कलह फैलाने का प्रयास है। अखिलेश जानते हैं कि भाजपा की एकजुटता ही उसकी ताकत है। इसलिए वे छोटे-छोटे बीज बोकर दरार पैदा करने की कोशिश करते हैं। मौर्य और पाठक को निशाना बनाना इसलिए आसान है क्योंकि वे पिछड़े वर्ग और अन्य समुदायों के प्रतिनिधि हैं। अखिलेश इनके माध्यम से समाजवादी समर्थकों को लुभाने का प्रयास करते हैं। योगी पर सीधा हमला न हो सके तो अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से सरकार को कमजोर दिखाते हैं। यह चाल चाणक्य नीति जैसी लगती है, जहां शत्रु को अंदर से तोड़ा जाता है। भाजपा कार्यकर्ता इन बयानों से भड़कते हैं, लेकिन अखिलेश को इससे सुर्खियां मिलती हैं। मीडिया इन बयानों को प्रमुखता से दिखाता है, जिससे अखिलेश का संदेश दूर-दूर तक फैलता है।

सबसे चौंकाने वाला बयान तो 2027 के विधानसभा चुनाव न होने का है। अखिलेश कहते हैं कि उत्तर प्रदेश में अब विधानसभा चुनाव नहीं होगा, 2029 का लोकसभा चुनाव ही मुख्य होगा। यह बयान केंद्र और राज्य की सत्ता पर सवाल उठाता है। विपक्षी नेता इसे लोकतंत्र पर हमला बताते हैं, लेकिन अखिलेश इसे हथियार बनाते हैं। वे कहते हैं कि भाजपा चुनाव से डर रही है, इसलिए इसे टालने की साजिश रच रही है। यह दावा आधारहीन लगता है, लेकिन अखिलेश के समर्थकों में उत्साह भर देता है। वे इसे योगी सरकार की नाकामी का प्रमाण बताते हैं। वास्तव में यह बयान भविष्य की राजनीति को प्रभावित करने का प्रयास है। 2027 का चुनाव भाजपा के लिए महत्वपूर्ण है, क्योंकि योगी की लोकप्रियता परखी जाएगी। अखिलेश पहले से ही प्रचार शुरू कर चुके हैं। समाजवादी कार्यकर्ताओं को सक्रिय करने के लिए यह बयान हवा में आग लगाने जैसा है। विपक्षी दल इसे दोहराते हैं, जिससे माहौल गरमाता जाता है। अखिलेश की यह शैली उन्हें युवा वोटरों का चहेता बनाती है। उनकी भाषा सरल, तीखी और याद रखने लायक होती है।

शंकराचार्य अविमुक्तेश्वरानंद का मुद्दा उठाकर अखिलेश ने धार्मिक भावनाओं को भी छुआ है। शंकराचार्य ने योगी सरकार पर आलोचना की, तो अखिलेश ने इसे पकड़ लिया। वे कहते हैं कि धार्मिक नेता भी योगी से नाराज हैं। यह बयान हिंदू वोट बैंक को भेदने की कोशिश है। योगी की हिंदुत्व छवि मजबूत है, लेकिन अखिलेश इसे कमजोर करने पर तुले हैं। शंकराचार्य के बहाने वे कहते हैं कि योगी धार्मिक मामलों में भेदभाव करते हैं। यह प्रहार सीधा सीने पर है। उत्तर प्रदेश में धर्म का महत्व बहुत है, इसलिए अखिलेश इसे नजरअंदाज नहीं कर सकते। वे हर धार्मिक आयोजन पर योगी को घेरते हैं। राम मंदिर निर्माण हो या काशी विश्वनाथ कॉरिडोर, इनका श्रेय योगी को देते हुए भी कमियां निकालते हैं। अखिलेश की यह रणनीति लंबे समय से चल रही है। मुलायम सिंह यादव के जमाने से समाजवादी पार्टी विपक्ष की भूमिका निभाती रही है। लेकिन अखिलेश ने इसमें आधुनिकता जोड़ी है। सोशल मीडिया का सहारा लेते हैं, छोटे वीडियो बनवाते हैं। उनके बयान वायरल होते हैं, लाखों लोग देखते हैं।

दरअसल, योगी आदित्यनाथ की लोकप्रियता अखिलेश के लिए सबसे बड़ी चुनौती है। योगी ने पांच साल में विकास के कई काम किए हैं। सड़कें बनीं, बिजली पहुंची, अपराध पर नियंत्रण हुआ। निवेश सम्मेलनों से अरबों के प्रस्ताव आए। लेकिन अखिलेश इन सबको नकारते हैं। वे कहते हैं कि ये सब कागजी हैं, किसानों की हालत खराब है। बेरोजगारी बढ़ रही है, युवा परेशान हैं। महंगाई पर भी तंज कसते हैं। योगी के बुलडोजर अभियान को अन्याय बताते हैं। कहते हैं कि निर्दोषों के घर तोड़े जा रहे हैं। यह मुद्दा पिछड़े इलाकों में गूंजता है। इन्हीं बयानों के सहारे अखिलेश समाजवादी पार्टी को पुनर्जनन देने के लिए संघर्षरत हैं। 2017 में हार के बाद 2022 में फिर हार मिली। अब 2027 की तैयारी में जुटे हैं। उनकी तंज शैली वोटरों को जोड़ती है। खासकर यादव और मुस्लिम वोट बैंक को मजबूत करती है। वे योगी को चुनौती देते हैं बहस हो तो आओ। लेकिन बहस से बचते हैं।

अखिलेश की भाषा में व्यंग्य का पुट ऐसा है कि सुनने वाले हंसते भी हैं और सोचने पर मजबूर हो जाते हैं। वे योगी को महंत कहकर चिढ़ाते हैं। कहते हैं कि महंत साधु हैं, राजनीति में क्या करेंगे। वेशभूषा पर तंज मारते हुए कहते हैं कि भगवा पहनकर विकास नहीं होता। केशव प्रसाद मौर्य को ललकारते हुए कहते हैं कि साहब, साहब कहना बंद करो, सत्ता संभालो। ब्रजेश पाठक को चेतावनी देते हैं कि योगी के डर से मत डरो। ये बयान भाजपा के अंदर खलबली मचा देते हैं। योगी शांत रहते हैं, लेकिन उनके समर्थक जवाब देते हैं। राजनीतिक बहस तेज हो जाती है। अखिलेश को इससे फायदा होता है। वे विपक्ष के चेहरा बन चुके हैं। अन्य दल उनके पीछे आते हैं।

यह सारी रणनीति 2027 के चुनाव के लिए है। अखिलेश जानते हैं कि योगी मजबूत हैं, लेकिन कमजोरियां ढूंढनी हैं। कानून व्यवस्था, भ्रष्टाचार, बेरोजगारी ये मुद्दे उठाकर वे वोटरों को लुभाते हैं। शंकराचार्य का मुद्दा धार्मिक वोट प्रभावित करेगा। उपमुख्यमंत्रियों पर हमला भाजपा को बांटेगा। चुनाव न होने का दावा भय पैदा करेगा। अखिलेश की तंज शैली उन्हें अलग बनाती है। वे भाषणों में कविताएं सुनाते हैं, मुहावरों का इस्तेमाल करते हैं। युवा उन्हें पसंद करते हैं। सोशल मीडिया पर उनके क्लिप्स ट्रेंड करते हैं। समाजवादी पार्टी को नई ऊर्जा मिल रही है। योगी सरकार को सतर्क रहना होगा। अखिलेश के हमले तेज होंगे। राजनीति का यह युद्ध जारी रहेगा। उत्तर प्रदेश की सियासत में रोमांच बना रहेगा। अखिलेश यादव सुर्खियों के सितारे बने रहेंगे।

12.1.26

Silent death of Asom Bani: Unceremonious departure of a popular news weekly

Nava Thakuria-

Amid existential crisis in northeast India’s well-known media house the Assam Tribune group of newspapers, which worsened after the Covid-19 pandemic, a popular Assamese weekly newspaper lost its publication in the later part of 2025. Asom Bani, once a mainstream weekly for Assamese readers for decades, stopped hitting the stand since September last year, as the management lost interest to continue its printing on every Friday. Even though the seven decades old  Guwahati-based Assamese-language weekly was lost in the media market, the management did not make any statement about Asom Bani’s fate. Prior to its departure, the weekly was merged with Dainik Asom, an acclaimed Assamese daily from the prestigious media house, as its Friday supplement.

Once edited by prominent Assamese journalist-authors namely Satish Chandra Kakati, Tilak Hazarika, Phani Talukdar, Nirod Chowdhury, Homen Bargohain, Chandraprasad Shaikia, the weekly had Dilip Chandan as its last editor, who served Asom Bani for nearly three decades. Launched on 1 July 1955 by legendary Assamese entrepreneur Radha Govinda Baruah, the weekly witnessed and reported various important socio-political developments including Assamese medium (of instruction in schools) movement, Assam anti-influx agitation, abrupt rising of separatist-influenced insurgency, social unrest, emergence of regional politics and its diminishing popularity with all sincerity to the indigenous population.

As the pandemic severely affected the circulation of all newspapers published by the Assam Tribune group, the subsequent impact was observed in shrinking advertisement revenues from commercial entities. Like many other media institutions across India, the Assam Tribune group also faced a severe financial crisis that started reflecting  in irregular salary disbursements to the employees including the working journalists.  The employees union came to the public with various difficulties including the unpaid dues meant for the retired employees. The union leaders also made allegations that their group was not receiving a heavy amount of money from the State information & public relations directorate (against the published advertisements).

Soon rumours spread over the probable sale of the entire media group to another city-based television house. But the Assam Tribune management strongly denied it terming those as false portrayals. In an official statement, the management assured its firm commitment ‘to its editorial independence, journalistic integrity, and continued services to its readers, advertisers, and stakeholders’. The management even urged all concerned to  ‘disregard such baseless speculation and refrain from spreading misinformation’. Needless to mention that its primary news outlet The Assam Tribune, which came to light on 4 August 1939 (first editor being Lakshminath Phukan) and continues to be the highest circulated English daily in the north-eastern region.

But assurances of the management led by Prafulla Govinda  Baruah (second son of RG Baruah, who lately died on 14 December at the age of 93) did not prevent from handing over the responsibility of Dainik Asom, by now it’s over six decades old publication,  to a different media group owned by young entrepreneur Kishor Borah that runs an Assamese satellite news channel ND24. The deal was made public  on 17 September last year following which  new management took the responsibility to publish Dainik Asom, but did not prefer to take care of Asom Bani (which already ceased to be an independent publication). As a supplement of Dainik Asom, the weekly hit the stands on 12 September 2025 for the last time.  

The new management of Dainik Asom did not pick up all the engaged media employees and on a single day on 18 September  over 70 employees (many of them were enjoying extended tenures with a monthly lump sum payment) lost their jobs. The Assam Tribune management assured them of all legal dues within a few weeks, but it was not materialised. Having no options, they have approached the labour court demanding  their dues (which seemingly to the tune of rupees six crores altogether). It’s unfortunate that the media house, which was India’s first institution to implement the recommendations of statutory Majithia Wage Board in 2012, now takes the route of escapists (avoiding the legal payments to the retired employees).

Media observers believe that the Tribune house usually maintained its credibility while disseminating information, editorial viewpoints and other pieces of articles, but in recent times the same principles were largely compromised. Their prime mover (The Assam Tribune) lavishly supported the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act movement that broke out in 2019, where it provided huge space to the public uprising that denounced the Union government’s initiative to politically support the persecuted Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Christian families coming from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh to India. The chaos engulfed the Brahmaputra valley of Assam for weeks with the narrative that the new citizenship law would discredit the Assam Accord (signed in 1985 to culminate the six years long anti-foreigner agitation).

Moreover, the people of Assam remember when the newspaper produced a series of voluminous reports on the backdrop of a city press club election with little credibility, where the editorial focus was exposed as biased, unprofessional and maligned with character assassinations to the then secretary of Guwahati Press Club putting  its hard earned integrity on stake. The Assam Tribune in particular exercised its liberty (with no accountability) to report over the matter as some ill-motive reporters callously planned. The present financial status of Assam Tribune group remains pathetic, but it was not entirely orchestrated by the pandemic alone, rather the situation made complicated by a section of arrogant media professionals, who enjoyed all due benefits but bet upon creating disorders in the media house,  shockingly where the management turned out to be a mute spectator.